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Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF; Tigrina: Tigray People's Liberation Front, lit.
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He is better known in ancient Amharic texts and publications as Woyen (Tigrina: நேவேக்கை), or Wayen (Amharic: வியியிகை).
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According to official records In 16 years, it grew from about a dozen to Ethiopia's most powerful armed "liberation" movement.
He led a political coalition called the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) from 1989 to 2018.
On 28 May 1991, the TPLF overthrew the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (PDRE) government and formed a new government to rule Ethiopia.
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On January 18, 2021, the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) suspended the party's registration, citing acts of violence and rebellion by the party's leadership against the federal government in 2020.
On May 6, 2021, the Ethiopian House of Representatives formally approved a parliamentary resolution designating the TPLF as a terrorist organization.
In November 2022, the African Union in Pretoria, South Africa held a negotiation between the two sides of the war.
The TPLF is the product of the marginalization of the Tigreans in Ethiopia after Melik II of Shewa became emperor.
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The memory of the 1942–43 armed uprising (the first [qädamay]wäyanä”) against the reestablishment of imperial rule after the Italian occupation remained alive and provided an important reference for new generations of educated Tigrayan nationalists.
At Haile Selassie I University (Addis Ababa University) from the early 1960s, Tigrayan students formed the Political Association of Tigrayan (PAT) and the Tigrayan University Student Association (TUSA) in 1972. Pater developed into a radical nationalist group and founded the Tigray Liberation Front (TLF), calling for the independence of Tigray.
While the transnational leftist movement prioritized class struggle over national self-determination, Tusa Marxists advocated self-determination as the launch pad for radical socialist revolution.
In February 1974, Marxists in TUSA welcomed the Ethiopian revolution, but opposed the Derg because they were convinced that it would not lead a Guinean socialist revolution or properly address the question of Ethiopian citizenship. Three days after the Derg took power, on September 14, 1974, seven leaders of this triad founded the Tigrayan National Organization (TNO). : Alemseged Megesha (war name: Helu), Amma Sehai (Abhay), Aregawi Berhe (Berhu), Embe. Mesfin (Seym), Fatahun Geratsin (Gidi), Mulugeta Hagos (Asfeha) and Zeru Gc (Agazi). It was to prepare the ground for future armed movements in Tigray
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He secretly approached the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) for support, but the ELF had already had ties to the TLF. In November 1974, the EPLF agreed to train members of the TNO and allowed EPLF fighters from Eritrea's Tigrayan community, among them Mehri Tekle (Musi), to join the TPLF. The first batch of trainers was sent to the EPLF in January
On the night of February 18, 1975, the students, including Jesus Ayale (Sehule), Gidi, Asafeha, Seyam, Agazi and Berhu, went from Selassie to Debit Tigray, Sehule's home of the Tigray News Agency. Tigray"). Welde Selassie Nega (Sebahat), Legis Xavi (Meles) and others soon joined the core team.
An official leadership was elected consisting of Sehul (President), Muse (Military Commander) and seven TNO founders. Barhu was appointed as political commissar. Sehul was instrumental in helping the new TPLF establish itself among the local villagers
Although a few successful attacks established its military credibility, the TPLF had swelled to around 120 fighters by early 1976, but a clandestine network of supporters in the cities expanded rapidly, and a support base among the villagers provided vital supplies and intelligence. On February 18, 1976, the Fighters' Conference elected a new leadership: Berhu (President), Muse (Military Committee), Abhay (Political Committee), Agazi (Socio-Economic Committee), Seim (Foreign Relations). , Gidi and Sebat
Tigray People's Liberation Front
The first three years of its existence were marked by a constant struggle for survival, unstable cooperation with Eritrean forces and a power struggle against other fronts, the Tigrayan Union (EDU) in Shire, and in 1978 it fought the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party (EPRP). In Eastern Tigray Apart from this, the front will suffer a lot due to Derg attacks in this area.
Although the TPLF, ELF and EPLF cooperated during the 1976 and 1978 Derg offensives in Tigra and Eritrea, no stable coalition was formed. The ELF was counting on the dissolution of the TLF and saw the relationship between the EPLF and the TPLF as a serious threat The ELF and TPLF have been at odds since 1977 over the issue of Eritrean settlements in West Tigray.
Relations with the EPLF did not develop well Their material support was far less than TPLF expected Politically, the EPLF preferred the ethno-regionalist TPLF to the multinational EPRP with its separatist stance.
After the Derg's victory in the Battle of Ogad in February 1978, Migistou Hel Mariam's new alliance with the Soviets and the revolutionary growth of its armed forces slowed.
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TPLF held its first regular congress in February 1979 He announced his struggle as the Second Tigrinya Way (Kalai Way) and changed his Tigrinya name to Tigrinya People's Party Harannata Tagre. He adopted a new political program that called for self-determination in a democratic Ethiopia as an alternative if unity was impossible.
In the 1970s and 1980s, winning and retaining the support of the local population was central to TPLF strategy. As a result, any fighter caught abusing the locals was punished by the TPLF authorities. As a result, local support for the TPLF was steady and negligible The local population shared food and resources with the fighters, provided them with safe water and most critically provided timely intelligence to the TPLF.
Again, it is clear that the 1978-1985 period further strengthened the TPLF The Derg's day-to-day allied interventions, its front-line management of hunger and refugee issues, and the foreign connections it has built through its mission in Khartoum, allow the movement to equip itself with more advanced fighters and equipment. Transition from Guerrilla to Frontline The war also led, in the mid-1980s, to a paradigm shift from the struggle for the liberation of Tigray to the whole of Ethiopia, the development of the TPLF.
The Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (EPDM), a splinter group of TPLF-loyalists from the EPRP, used the cave in Melfa (Dogua Tembi).
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The TPLF managed to turn the disastrous famine of 1984–85 to its overall advantage. In early 1985, he organized a march of over 200,000 famine victims from Tigray to Sudan to draw international attention to the situation in Tigray. Its humanitarian arm, the Relief Society of Tigray (REST), was established in 1978 and received large amounts of international humanitarian aid for small development projects in famine-stricken and liberated Tigray.
In July 1985, a congress of a few hundred selected cadres established the Marxist-Leninist League of Tigray (MLLT). The MLLT was formed as the nucleus of a future Marxist-Leninist vanguard party for all of Ethiopia. The MLLT invited Guinean revolutionaries from the Derg regime, who were busy organizing their own communist party, the Ethiopian Workers' Party, to join it.
After the Congress, the TPLF and its mass organizations were brutally subjected to the MLLT, among whom fringe cadres including TPLF co-founders Gidi and Berhu were purged.
In December 1988, the TPLF and EPDM established the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Party (EPDM).
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